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Prime Minister Starmer traveled to Wales' northern region this past Thursday to declare the construction of a new nuclear power station. This is a significant policy event with both local and national implications. Yet, the PM did not dedicate extensive time in Wales to promoting solutions for the UK's energy needs. Rather, he used the time attempting to put an end to the Labour leadership briefing row, telling journalists that No 10 had not briefed against the health secretary’s ambitions earlier this week.

As such, Sir Keir’s day acted as a small-scale example of what his prime ministership has now become more generally. On the one hand, he wants his administration to be doing, and to be perceived as performing, important things. On the other hand, he is incapable to achieve this due to the way he – and, partly, the nation as a whole – now practices political and governmental affairs.

The Prime Minister is unable to change the culture of politics single-handedly, but he is able to take action about his own role in it. The plain fact is that he could run the centre of government much more effectively than he currently does. Should he achieve this, he might find that the nation was in less despair about his administration than it is, and that he was communicating his points more successfully.

Personnel Problems in No 10

Some of the issues in Number 10 relate to personnel. The interpersonal relations of any No 10 regime are hard to know accurately from the exterior. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir does not make good personnel choices, or maintain them. Perhaps he is too busy. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. But he needs to up his game, not do things slowly or by halves.

• He dithered about assigning the key job of top civil servant to a senior official.
• He appointed Sue Gray his top aide, then replaced her with a political strategist.
• He brought a Treasury figure in from the Treasury as his deputy.
• His communications chiefs have been frequently replaced.
• Advisors on politics and policy have come and gone.
• It is a mess.

Structural Challenges at the Core of the Administration

Every prime minister devote excessive time abroad and on international matters, areas where Sir Keir ought to assign more tasks, and insufficient time conversing with MPs and hearing the public. Premiers also allocate too much time doing media, which Sir Keir compounds by performing inadequately. But premiers cannot claim to be surprised when their political appointees, who tend to be party loyalists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the story, as Mr McSweeney has recently.

The biggest issues, however, are structural. It would be good to believe that Sir Keir reviewed the Institute for Government’s spring 2024 study on overhauling the government's central operations. His inability to address these matters in the summer or since implies he did not. The frequently dismal performance of the Labour administration suggests IfG proposals like restructuring the roles of the central government office and Downing Street, and separating the jobs of cabinet secretary and civil service head, are now urgent.

The dominant political role of prime ministers far outdistances the support available to them. Consequently, all aspects suffer, and much is done badly or ignored.

This is not Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He stands as the casualty of previous shortcomings as well as the author of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the centre and prioritize governmental structures have been let down. Unfortunately, the biggest loser from this failure is Sir Keir himself.